WE HAVE ALL HAD ENOUGH! WE NEED A SOLUTION
19/07/2015
Gentlemen,
We are meeting today
to discuss a very important subject and consider adopting, among us, some very
important decisions for the country.
The attached documents
attempt to describe the current situation of our country’s finances while
suggesting a way to get out of the mess that our leaders have put us in,
particularly during the past two decades.
We have started in
1993 with an initial debt of around seven billion US dollars that were needed
to finance the cost of the post-civil war reconstruction. The money was
borrowed from private lenders at the horrendous rates that were prevalent at
the time. These rates were gradually reduced, over the years to reach their
current average of some 6.50%.
The seven billion
dollars were never repaid. Every year, since 1994, the bonds were renewed with
the unpaid interest added to them. Through this compound formula the seven
billion dollars initially borrowed have
become now $72 billion dollars.
I believe that it is
high time to stop and consider where we are going to and what ought to be done
to bring that vicious trend to an end. We must act now, before it is too late. At the end of this publication, I have included some references to the Greek crisis in order to warn the readers about the necessity to act, if we do not want to suffer the same fate as the Greeks, if not worse.
I hope that we can put
our minds together to find a way out of the maze for our country in danger.
George Sabat (ACMA)
Part One FOREWORD
I suspect that a group of influential businessmen who, directly or
indirectly hold, a large portion of Lebanon’s public debt bonds, are eager,
though they have not publicly announced it yet, to promote the privatisation of
some large sectors of the country’s economy, such as the electricity, the
water, the transports, the Beirut Port Authority, the Hariri International
Airport and some others that I may have omitted.
Their aim is to recuperate, at favourable terms, the amount of their
bond holdings through such a scheme, as they assume that the Nation will never
be able to redeem them.
In order to counter such a program that could prove detrimental to the country, particularly in the current political circumstances, I believe that it is necessary for the country to agree upon a broad National Policy that will embody all the aspirations of the citizens for a sustained economic and social development.To achieve that purpose, I recommend to undertake, at the earliest possible opportunity, a thorough study of the Lebanese National Development Plan (L.N.D.P.). This Plan will embody the Country’s medium and long term policy and will translate the will and the aims of the Nation for the short, the medium, and the long terms. This is why, once drawn up by the Authorities that Plan ought to be approved by Parliament.
In order to counter such a program that could prove detrimental to the country, particularly in the current political circumstances, I believe that it is necessary for the country to agree upon a broad National Policy that will embody all the aspirations of the citizens for a sustained economic and social development.To achieve that purpose, I recommend to undertake, at the earliest possible opportunity, a thorough study of the Lebanese National Development Plan (L.N.D.P.). This Plan will embody the Country’s medium and long term policy and will translate the will and the aims of the Nation for the short, the medium, and the long terms. This is why, once drawn up by the Authorities that Plan ought to be approved by Parliament.
Such a study could, in my view, be achieved by year end, provided we
start right away. Once completed, one could have a broad view of the extent of the reforms
needed to be implemented and the financing required in order to start
putting the National Development Plan into execution on the first of January
2016. This can be made possible provided a decision to start upon the study
project, is reached within a few days. Time is getting short, and not one day
should be lost from today, onward.
The country and the citizens both
need a NATIONAL MEDIUM AND LONG TERM POLICY to guide the government and the
people and stimulate them to achieve the goals included in these Policies. A
country without a policy is like a ship without a rudder. This is how we have
been going for the past seven decades and why we are in a mess today.
Kindly inform me if you are interested in taking part in that project
which I propose to name:
“THE L.N.D.P. PROJECT"
19/07/2015
PART TWO
Remarks on
the L.N.D.P.
1. 1) It may not be catastrophic if
the studies are not fully detailed by year end
2. 2) What is essential is that the
18 sectors ought to be finished at the same time because they are all
interdependent, and we need to have the entire financial picture in order to
determine the overall financial requirements.
3. 3) The essential goal is to
start, because all the sector plans, in the end, will need to be adjusted in
the course of execution
4
4. 4) The setting of primary and
subsidiary goals is essential
5. 5) The system of follow up is
also very important. The undergrads who assisted in building up the Plan ought
to be assigned to share in the follow up function as well.
6. 6) Contacts between the
followers-up and the parliamentary commissions ought to be a permanent fixture
of the project
7. 7) Contacts between the
followers-up and the ministry staff
ought to be also a permanent fixture of the project
8. 8) A project magazine ought to be
a priority. The magazine will publish the progress of the work
9.
Permanent contacts ought to be
maintained between the followers-up, the ministry staff, the political parties,
and the civil society organizations
1 9) Political parties ought to be
encouraged to get involved in the project
1 10) Monthly or quarterly reports
ought to be submitted to the IMF and/or the WORLD BANK
1 11) Getting support and
cooperation from the World Bank and the IMF would be the best way to counter any foreign hegemony.
PART THREE - THE TIME SCHEDULE OF THE ELABORATION OF THE L.N.D.P.
PART FOUR - LNDP – THE GREEK DEBACLE
LET IT BE A LESSON TO THE LEBANESE SO THAT THEY DO NOT FALL INTO THE SAME TRAP
LET IT BE A LESSON TO THE LEBANESE SO THAT THEY DO NOT FALL INTO THE SAME TRAP
Greece’s Debt Crisis
Explained
1.
What’s the latest?
Greece and
its European creditors announced an agreement in Brussels on Monday that aims
to resolve the country’s debt
crisis and keep it in the eurozone, but that will require further
budgetary belt-tightening that Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras could
have trouble selling back in Athens.
The International
Monetary Fund threatened to withdraw support for Greece’s bailout on Tuesday
unless European leaders agree to substantial debt relief.
Greece's Parliament
approved painful new austerity measures early Thursday.
2.
What happens next?
One open question is
whether the deal gives enough confidence to theEuropean
Central Bank to let it continue channeling sorely needed emergency funding to
Greek banks.
As part of Greece’s
commitments, Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany said, a fund will be created
to use the proceeds from selling off assets owned by the Greek government to
help pay down the country’s debt. That fund would be “to the tune of” €50
billion, she said.
Greece will also be
required to seek assistance from the International
Monetary Fund and to agree to let the organization continue to monitor the
country’s adherence to its bailout commitments.
Despite the agreement,
Greek banks are expected to remain closed this week. To reopen, the banks would
need more emergency loans from the European Central Bank.
3.
How does the crisis affect the global financial
system?
In the European Union, most
real decision-making power, particularly on matters involving politically
delicate things like money and migrants, rests with 28 national governments,
each one beholden to its voters and taxpayers. This tension has grown only more
acute since the January 1999 introduction of the euro, which now binds 19
nations into a single currency zone watched over by the European Central Bank
but leaves budget and tax policy in the hands of each country, an arrangement
that some economists believe was doomed from the start.
Since Greece’s debt crisis
began in 2010, most international banks and foreign investors have sold their
Greek bonds and other holdings, so they are no longer vulnerable to what
happens in Greece. (Some private investors who subsequently plowed back into
Greek bonds, betting on a comeback, regret that decision.)
And in the meantime, the
other crisis countries in the eurozone, like Portugal, Ireland and Spain, have
taken steps to overhaul their economies and are
much less vulnerable to market contagion than
they were a few years ago.
Debt in the European Union
Gross government debt as a percentage of gross domestic product plotted
through the fourth quarter of 2014.
Source: Eurostat
4.
What if Greece left the eurozone?
At the height of the debt
crisis a few years ago, many experts worried that Greece’s problems would spill
over to the rest of the world. If Greece defaulted on its debt and exited the
eurozone, they argued, it might create global financial shocks bigger than the
collapse of Lehman Brothers did.
Now, however, some people
believe that if Greece were to leave the currency union, in what is known as a
“Grexit,” it wouldn’t be such a catastrophe. Europe has put up safeguards to
limit the so-called financial contagion, in an effort to keep the problems from
spreading to other countries. Greece, just a tiny part of the eurozone economy,
could regain financial autonomy by leaving, these people contend — and the
eurozone would actually be better off without a country that seems to
constantly need its neighbors’ support.
Greece’s G.D.P. and Unemployment Rates in Europe
First quarter 2015 average; *Britain is the three-month average through
February.
Others say that’s too
simplistic a view. Despite the frustration of endless negotiations, European
political leaders see a united Europe as an imperative. At the same time, they
still haven’t fixed some of the biggest shortcomings of the eurozone’s structure
by creating a more federal-style system of transferring money as needed among
members — the way the United States does among its various states.
Exiting the euro currency
union and the European Union would also involve a legal minefield that no
country has yet ventured to cross. There are also no provisions for departure,
voluntary or forced, from the euro currency union.
5. 3:52
A 2013 video on how Greeks
were turning to dirty and environmentally damaging solutions for heat after the
government raised taxes on heating oil by 450 percent.CreditVideo
by Nikolia Apostolou on Publish DateFebruary 03,
2013
How did Greece get to this point?
Greece became the epicenter
of Europe’s debt crisis after Wall Street imploded in 2008. With global
financial markets still reeling, Greece announced in October 2009 that it had
been understating its deficit figures for years, raising alarms about the
soundness of Greek finances.
Suddenly, Greece was shut
out from borrowing in the financial markets. By the spring of 2010, it was
veering toward bankruptcy, which threatened to set off a new financial crisis.
To avert calamity, the
so-called troika — the International Monetary Fund, the European Central Bank
and the European Commission — issued the first of two international bailouts
for Greece, which would eventually total more than 240 billion euros, or about
$264 billion at today’s exchange rates.
The bailouts came with
conditions. Lenders imposed harsh austerity terms, requiring deep budget cuts
and steep tax increases. They also required Greece to overhaul its economy by
streamlining the government, ending tax evasion and making Greece an easier place
to do business.
6.
Photo
A father and daughter at a demonstration in Athens in late June.CreditEirini
Vourloumis for The New York Times
If Greece has received
billions in bailouts, why is there still a crisis?
The money was supposed to buy Greece time to stabilize its finances and
quell market fears that the euro union itself could break up. While it has
helped, Greece’s economic problems haven’t gone away. The economy has shrunk by
a quarter in five years, and unemployment is above 25 percent.
The bailout money mainly goes toward paying off Greece’s international
loans, rather than making its way into the economy. And the government still
has a staggering debt load that it cannot begin to pay down unless a recovery
takes hold.
Many economists, and many Greeks, blame the austerity measures for much
of the country’s continuing problems. The leftist Syriza party rode to power
this year promising to renegotiate the bailout; Mr. Tsipras said that austerity
had created a “humanitarian crisis” in Greece.
But the country’s exasperated creditors, especially Germany, blame
Athens for failing to conduct the economic overhauls required under its bailout
agreement. They don’t want to change the rules for Greece.
Greece’s Creditors
Almost two-thirds of Greece’s debt, about 200 billion euros, is owed to
the eurozone bailout fund or other eurozone countries. Greece does not have to
make any payments on that debt until 2023. The International Monetary Fund has
proposed extending the grace period until mid-century.
So while Greece’s total debt is big—as much as double the country’s
annual economic output—it might not matter much if the government did not need
to make payments for decades to come. By the time the money came due, the Greek
economy could have grown enough that the sum no longer seemed daunting.
In the short term, though, Greece has a problem making payments due on
loans from the International Monetary Fund and on bonds held by the European
Central Bank. Those obligations amount to more than 24 billion euros through
the middle of 2018, and it is unlikely that either institution would agree to
long delays in repayment.